Evelyn Matthei and Chile’s Uncomfortable Memory: Belated Apologies for an Open Wound

 By Rodolfo Varela 

Chile Vamos presidential candidate Evelyn Matthei publicly apologized for her controversial statements about the civil-military dictatorship of traitor Augusto Pinochet. "Nothing can justify such acts," she declared, attempting to contain the damage in a country that has not forgotten the crimes committed between 1973 and 1990.

But can a simple apology heal a wound that has been bleeding for over five decades?

                          

A context that cannot be rewritten

In April, Matthei told Radio Agricultura that the coup d’état was “necessary” and that the initial deaths were “quite inevitable.” Beyond being callous, her remarks revealed a disturbing case of historical revisionism.

“If not, we were heading straight to Cuba. There was no other alternative,” she claimed — minimizing the systematic repression, torture, forced disappearances, exile, arbitrary dismissals, and even the kidnapping and sale of Chilean children to foreign families.

Her comments triggered widespread criticism, especially from victims and their families, who are still waiting for truth, justice, and full reparation.

Apologies with electoral motives

Matthei’s apology, published Sunday in a letter to economist Sebastián Edwards in El Mercurio, appears to be a strategic move in an increasingly tense campaign. “I apologize for the pain my words may have caused,” she wrote, insisting she never intended to offend.

Terror of the Chilean dictatorship.

But Matthei is no outsider to this past. She is the daughter of General Fernando Matthei, a member of the military junta, and has repeatedly defended the dictatorship’s economic model. Her apology now seems less like an act of conviction and more like a political maneuver aimed at appeasing a disillusioned electorate.

A wounded Chile: a historical debt still unpaid

The Chilean right and far-right treat historical memory as a political nuisance. But memory is not an obstacle — it is a moral debt owed to thousands of victims. The dictatorship was not just a political rupture; it was a machinery of terror. The evidence lies in the Rettig and Valech Reports, in testimonies, in mass graves, and in military archives still hidden behind walls of secrecy.

Those who minimize or justify these crimes underestimate the intelligence of the Chilean people. Chile remembers. Chile is not blind. And Chile has not forgotten.

Reconciliation without justice?

Speaking of reconciliation without assuming responsibility or ensuring justice is political cynicism. Victims have received insufficient reparations. Many torturers remain unpunished. Stolen pensions were never returned. And the kidnapped children still search for their identities.

But this debt does not fall solely on the right. Left-wing governments have also failed. They had the opportunity to move decisively toward justice, to punish the criminals, and to return what was stolen — and they did little or nothing. Political responsibility also lies with those who, once in power, chose caution, delay, or electoral convenience.

And it's not just about governments. The Chilean people must also reflect. For decades, they have elected presidents from one political ideology while handing the National Congress over to the opposing side. How can justice be achieved and reparatory laws passed when the political system blocks every transformative initiative?

Moreover, the legacy of that dictatorship-imposed model continues to punish millions — especially retirees. Today’s pensions are not enough to survive, often below the minimum wage, and in many cases, they don’t even reach 50% of what’s needed to live with dignity.
How can there be reconciliation in a country that abandons its elders while rewarding those who looted their rights?

The voice of those who lived through the horror

Now that Chile is deep into a presidential race, it seems that everyone — right-wing politicians, former regime collaborators, businessmen, and even religious leaders — suddenly becomes good and “repentant.” But memory cannot be washed away with speeches.

Coup d'état in Chile in 1973

What the judiciary should be doing, instead of accepting convenient apologies, is investigating the wealth accumulated by families who profited directly or indirectly from the dictatorship. This includes powerful figures in the judiciary, politics, military, religious institutions, and business, as well as the civilian collaborators, such as the leaders of Colonia Dignidad — a place of horror that has yet to see full justice.

Have they forgotten all of this?

I haven’t. Because I am part of that recent history. On September 11, 1973, while others celebrated the bombing of La Moneda, I was working at Radio Corporación, alongside more than 20 colleagues. We were direct witnesses to the terror unleashed by those who now try to justify or erase what we all know happened.By Rodolfo Enrique Varela Herrera